Democracy Can’t Survive Without Gender Equality

As we recognize the 18th International Day of Democracy, the reality is stark: democratic governance is on the decline. Both the International IDEA’s Global State of Democracy 2025 and the Freedom House annual report confirm this trend. Since the high point of the 1990s, we’ve had two decades of global decline in protections for civil liberties and political participation. 

Yet during those same two decades, the actual numbers of women and gender-diverse individuals in political life worldwide increased. With their gradual rise, we have witnessed the rise of coordinated reactionary movements seeking to reimpose barriers to participation. These opponents often start with attacks premised on gender and identity, but that’s never where they end.   

If we want representative governance to make a comeback, we must start with women, especially those from marginalized communities. It’s time for pro-democracy advocates to throw out the old playbooks and push for a new suffragist movement. 

Where did we go wrong? 

As part of global feminist movements, we pushed for ambitious commitments in the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and in other international venues. While governments as a whole have yet to achieve these targets, there have been advances, most notably in national legislatures where women now hold more than 26 percent of seats. While this falls far short of actual parity, women’s gains have been even slower in executive, judicial, and military roles. 

Even from these incremental gains, the evidence is overwhelmingly clear; greater diversity in government leads to better public policy for everyone. When women occupy positions of political leadership, they are more likely to bring policy ideas to problems that most women and families grapple with: ensuring access to child care, health care, and expanding educational opportunities. And these are the very policies that put countries on the path to future economic growth. According to research, there is a correlation between women’s political participation and national economic wellbeing; one such report suggests that a 10 percent increase in women’s legislative seats correlates to a 0.7 percent additional increase in GDP growth. 

Quite honestly, with all this evidence, the question we really should be asking is, why would we think we can have healthy democracies without gender equality?

And perhaps precisely because this evidence is so compelling, we are witnessing new tactics intended to drive women and gender-diverse people out of public life, through the use of trolling, swarming, and other online harassment and abuse. Moreover, right-wing policies systemically exclude women and marginalized groups from the start, preventing them from accessing resources needed to gain political power.  

Argentina is one example of the weaponization of public policy to exclude feminist pro-democracy actors systematically. Under its current right-wing leader, the country has closed its Ministry of Women and curtailed services for survivors of violence. There are obvious links between these actions and the overall erosion of civil liberties. As colleagues at Kettering Foundation wrote recently, Argentina’s feminists have been critical to social mobilization and the expansion of rights for everyone in the country. 

Maybe our mistake was being too focused on the numbers—getting women and gender-diverse people into positions of power—and not enough on building supportive systems that could effectively counter rising backlash. The few women who hold office can’t drive lasting change alone. Yet for too long, even those whom we consider our pro-democracy allies have failed to fully integrate gender equity into their efforts.   

Now, in the wake of dramatic cuts in global funding for democracy organizations, many appear to be stepping back when they should be stepping forward. A forthcoming report from International IDEA details the effects of this year’s severe reduction in bilateral resources for democracy and human rights. The evidence, stemming from global polling of self-identified democracy organizations, suggests that gender programming is likely to have been reduced or eliminated. It is a shortsighted reaction that undermines democracy’s long-term resilience.  

Our Unfinished Business 

Why should political systems continue to elevate men disproportionately, when there is mounting evidence of the positive benefits for everyone when our representation is diverse, equitable, and reflective of all of us?  Let’s stop justifying our focus on inclusion and instead put the spotlight on the overwhelming proof that economies, social protection systems, and overall human development indicators all decline when so-called ‘strongmen’ take the reins of power. We now have an opportunity to reset and rise to meet the moment. Our recommendations: 

• For democracy organizations: Gender justice is not a ‘nice to have’; it is essential to truly representative governance. From electoral systems to independent media, we need robust systems that address power dynamics and promote gender equity. 

• For social movements: We need to unite and recognize that all our issues are inextricably linked. When reactionary actors begin to attack gender, in particular reproductive rights and LGBTQI+ rights, don’t look away. It will be the same forces that come for labor, environmental, youth, and other movement allies too. 

• For funders: Don’t let gender and social inclusion be the first investments on the chopping block. At a time of crisis, be bold in recognizing and addressing equity as a fundamental driver of the shifts that enable a safer, saner, and more sustainable world. 

Equity is essential for true democracy. Today, on International Day of Democracy, it is our unfinished business.